Ethnic in-group evaluation and adhesion to acculturation ideologies: The case of Moroccan immigrants in Franceby Constantina Badea, Abdelatif Er-rafiy, Peggy Chekroun, Jean-Baptiste Légal, Patrick Gosling

International Journal of Intercultural Relations


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International Journal of Intercultural Relations 45 (2015) 47–55

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International Journal of Intercultural Relations journa l h om epa ge: www.elsev ier .com/ locate / i j in t re l

Ethnic ideolog


Jean-Bap a Université Pa b Université de a r t i c l

Article history:

Received 13 M

Received in re 10 December

Accepted 1 Jan


Group evaluat




Spears, & D process tak ation ideolo group’s cul et al., 2012) policy in th by member we examine 1. Accultu

Since th and religiou ∗ Correspon

E-mail add http://dx.doi.o 0147-1767/© in-group evaluation and adhesion to acculturation ies: The case of Moroccan immigrants in France ina Badeaa,∗, Abdelatif Er-rafiyb, Peggy Chekrouna, tiste Légala, Patrick Goslinga ris Ouest Nanterre La Défense, France

Poitiers, France e i n f o ay 2013 vised form 2014 uary 2015 ion ideologies a b s t r a c t

The aim of this research was to examine the link between adhesion to different acculturation ideologies (multiculturalism, citizenship, secularism and assimilation) and group evaluation among Moroccan immigrants in France. We present two studies. In the first study, we found a negative correlation between adhesion to assimilation or secularism and in-group liking: the more immigrants preferred these ideologies, the less they displayed a positive evaluation of Moroccan people. No significant correlation was noticed between citizenship or multiculturalism and in-group liking. In contrast, adhesion to each one of the acculturation ideologies correlated positively with out-group liking. In the second study, we experimentally manipulated the acculturation ideologies and we showed that in-group liking was lower in assimilation and secularism conditions compared to citizenship and multiculturalism conditions. Out-group liking did not differ as a function of the acculturation ideology. The effect of acculturation ideologies on group evaluations was mediated by perception of the legitimacy of the acculturation ideologies. We discuss these results in terms of individual mobility. © 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. nts’ evaluation of the ethnic in-group plays an important role in their identification with the group (Ellemers, oosje, 2002), which in turn influences their acculturation (Badea, Jetten, Iyer, & Er-rafiy, 2011). The acculturation es place in an ideological context which more or less valorizes the ethnic culture of immigrants. Some acculturgies defend the dominant position of majority group members; others promote the maintenance of each ethnic tural heritage or the equal treatment of individuals, regardless of their group membership (Berry, 2006; Levin . Immigrants themselves adhere to an acculturation ideology (Verkuyten, 2005) and are aware of the immigration e host society (Sam & Berry, 2006). The aim of this paper is to test whether adhesion to acculturation ideologies s of minority groups shapes their evaluation of the ethnic in-group and of the majority out-group. Specifically, the case of Moroccan immigrants in France. ration ideologies in France e French revolution, France has emphasized equality for all individuals, independently of their social, cultural s origins. This position does not recognize specific rights for any minority, be it ethnic, linguistic or religious. ding author. Tel.: +33 1 40 97 75 27. ress: (C. Badea). rg/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2015.01.003 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. 48 C. Badea et al. / International Journal of Intercultural Relations 45 (2015) 47–55

Through fear of communitarianism, which refers to strong allegiance to one’s own ethnic or religious group or community rather than to the nation-state as a whole, all “specificities” are relegated to the private domain. The official acculturation ideology is “assimilation–citizenship” (Sabatier & Boutry, 2006) which encourages immigrants to adopt French culture and does not allow them to defend any specific rights. This mixture between assimilation and citizenship is ambiguous. On the one han customs of members is 2002). On t all individu 2012). Assi

In other wo culture (Gu ideologies (

Officially 2006). In th turation ide ideology of ture coexis can be tole ficity becom against imm of equality associated w the majorit to challeng be separate discourses against the can lead to larism by t 2012).

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Research ticipating in groups” (M ity group m discourse” process, Mo et al., 1996d, assimilation requires immigrants to abandon their own culture to the benefit of the language, values and the majority group. Many studies have shown that adhesion to this acculturation ideology by the majority group associated with greater prejudice against immigrants (Badea, 2012; Levin et al., 2012; Wolsko, Park, & Judd, he other hand, citizenship promotes equality between French citizens and the respect of democratic values by als independently of their social, ethnic or religious origin (Kamiejski, Guimond, De Oliveira, Er-rafiy, & Brauer, milation – citizenship sees the maintenance of cultural rights as an obstacle to equal rights in other domains. rds, individuals must renounce their cultural specificities in order to be more easily assimilated into the host imond, 2010). In this research we separately and respectively examine adhesion to assimilation and to citizenship see for example, Kamiejski et al., 2012). monolingual and secular, France is in reality multilingual, multicultural and multireligious (Sabatier & Boutry, is multicultural context, even if the official immigration policy is one of assimilation – citizenship, other acculologies such as multiculturalism and secularism are promoted in French political discourse. The acculturation multiculturalism defends the idea of a multiple cultural identity, where specific cultures and the national cult harmoniously. Partisans of multiculturalism think that only someone who feels safe in his/her own culture rant and generous towards others. Allowing minority groups to maintain their cultural and linguistic species a value of the majority group. Majority group members who prefer multiculturalism express less prejudice igrants (Badea, 2012; Levin et al., 2012; Wolsko et al., 2002). Multiculturalism shares with citizenship the idea (between cultures and between individuals respectively). It is important to mention that multiculturalism is ith positive intergroup attitudes in France. In other contexts such as Former Soviet Union, Japan and Mauritius, y group members can use multiculturalism to justify their dominant position and minorities can use assimilation e inequality (Antonova, 2005). Concerning secularism (“laïcité”), this ideology requires religion and politics to (Kamiejski et al., 2012). During the debate on national identity in France in 2009, initiated by the government, conflated religion and ethnic identity. Secularism was widely evoked during the debate which led to the law